THE PRESIDENT:

Good evening. I have asked for this time to keep you informed of America's actions in the war on terror.

Nearly two years ago, following deadly attacks on our country, we began a systematic campaign against terrorism. These months have been a time of new responsibilities, and sacrifice, and national resolve and great progress.

America and a broad coalition acted first in Afghanistan, by destroying the training camps of terror, and removing the regime that harbored al Qaeda. In a series of raids and actions around the world, nearly two-thirds of al Qaeda's known leaders have been captured or killed, and we continue on al Qaeda's trail. We have exposed terrorist front groups, seized terrorist accounts, taken new measures to protect our homeland, and uncovered sleeper cells inside the United States. And we acted in Iraq, where the former regime sponsored terror, possessed and used weapons of mass destruction, and for 12 years defied the clear demands of the United Nations Security Council. Our coalition enforced these international demands in one of the swiftest and most humane military campaigns in history.

For a generation leading up to September the 11th, 2001, terrorists and their radical allies attacked innocent people in the Middle East and beyond, without facing a sustained and serious response. The terrorists became convinced that free nations were decadent and weak. And they grew bolder, believing that history was on their side. Since America put out the fires of September the 11th, and mourned our dead, and went to war, history has taken a different turn. We have carried the fight to the enemy. We are rolling back the terrorist threat to civilization, not on the fringes of its influence, but at the heart of its power.

This work continues. In Iraq, we are helping the long suffering people of that country to build a decent and democratic society at the center of the Middle East. Together we are transforming a place of torture chambers and mass graves into a nation of laws and free institutions. This undertaking is difficult and costly -- yet worthy of our country, and critical to our security.

The Middle East will either become a place of progress and peace, or it will be an exporter of violence and terror that takes more lives in America and in other free nations. The triumph of democracy and tolerance in Iraq, in Afghanistan and beyond would be a grave setback for international terrorism. The terrorists thrive on the support of tyrants and the resentments of oppressed peoples. When tyrants fall, and resentment gives way to hope, men and women in every culture reject the ideologies of terror, and turn to the pursuits of peace. Everywhere that freedom takes hold, terror will retreat.

Our enemies understand this. They know that a free Iraq will be free of them -- free of assassins, and torturers, and secret police. They know that as democracy rises in Iraq, all of their hateful ambitions will fall like the statues of the former dictator. And that is why, five months after we liberated Iraq, a collection of killers is desperately trying to undermine Iraq's progress and throw the country into chaos.

Some of the attackers are members of the old Saddam regime, who fled the battlefield and now fight in the shadows. Some of the attackers are foreign terrorists, who have come to Iraq to pursue their war on America and other free nations. We cannot be certain to what extent these groups work together. We do know they have a common goal -- reclaiming Iraq for tyranny.

Most, but not all, of these killers operate in one area of the country. The attacks you have heard and read about in the last few weeks have occurred predominantly in the central region of Iraq, between Baghdad and Tikrit -- Saddam Hussein's former stronghold. The north of Iraq is generally stable and is moving forward with reconstruction and self-government. The same trends are evident in the south, despite recent attacks by terrorist groups.

Though their attacks are localized, the terrorists and Saddam loyalists have done great harm. They have ambushed American and British service members -- who stand for freedom and order. They have killed civilian aid workers of the United Nations -- who represent the compassion and generosity of the world. They have bombed the Jordanian embassy -- the symbol of a peaceful Arab country. And last week they murdered a respected cleric and over a hundred Muslims at prayer -- bombing a holy shrine and a symbol of Islam's peaceful teachings.

This violence is directed not only against our coalition, but against anyone in Iraq who stands for decency, and freedom and progress.

There is more at work in these attacks than blind rage. The terrorists have a strategic goal. They want us to leave Iraq before our work is done. They want to shake the will of the civilized world. In the past, the terrorists have cited the examples of Beirut and Somalia, claiming that if you inflict harm on Americans, we will run from a challenge. In this, they are mistaken.

Two years ago, I told the Congress and the country that the war on terror would be a lengthy war, a different kind of war, fought on many fronts in many places. Iraq is now the central front. Enemies of freedom are making a desperate stand there -- and there they must be defeated. This will take time and require sacrifice. Yet we will do what is necessary, we will spend what is necessary, to achieve this essential victory in the war on terror, to promote freedom and to make our own nation more secure.

America has done this kind of work before. Following World War II, we lifted up the defeated nations of Japan and Germany, and stood with them as they built representative governments. We committed years and resources to this cause. And that effort has been repaid many times over in three generations of friendship and peace. America today accepts the challenge of helping Iraq in the same spirit -- for their sake, and our own.

Our strategy in Iraq has three objectives: destroying the terrorists, enlisting the support of other nations for a free Iraq and helping Iraqis assume responsibility for their own defense and their own future.

First, we are taking direct action against the terrorists in the Iraqi theater, which is the surest way to prevent future attacks on coalition forces and the Iraqi people. We are staying on the offensive, with a series of precise strikes against enemy targets increasingly guided by intelligence given to us by Iraqi citizens.

Since the end of major combat operations, we have conducted raids seizing many caches of enemy weapons and massive amounts of ammunition, and we have captured or killed hundreds of Saddam loyalists and terrorists. So far, of the 55 most wanted former Iraqi leaders, 42 are dead or in custody. We are sending a clear message: anyone who seeks to harm our soldiers can know that our soldiers are hunting for them.

Second, we are committed to expanding international cooperation in the reconstruction and security of Iraq, just as we are in Afghanistan. Our military commanders in Iraq advise me that the current number of American troops -- nearly 130,000 -- is appropriate to their mission. They are joined by over 20,000 service members from 29 other countries. Two multinational divisions, led by the British and the Poles, are serving alongside our forces -- and in order to share the burden more broadly, our commanders have requested a third multinational division to serve in Iraq.

Some countries have requested an explicit authorization of the United Nations Security Council before committing troops to Iraq. I have directed Secretary of State Colin Powell to introduce a new Security Council resolution, which would authorize the creation of a multinational force in Iraq, to be led by America.

I recognize that not all of our friends agreed with our decision to enforce the Security Council resolutions and remove Saddam Hussein from power. Yet we cannot let past differences interfere with present duties. Terrorists in Iraq have attacked representatives of the civilized world, and opposing them must be the cause of the civilized world. Members of the United Nations now have an opportunity -- and the responsibility -- to assume a broader role in assuring that Iraq becomes a free and democratic nation.

Third, we are encouraging the orderly transfer of sovereignty and authority to the Iraqi people. Our coalition came to Iraq as liberators and we will depart as liberators. Right now Iraq has its own Governing Council, comprised of 25 leaders representing Iraq's diverse people. The Governing Council recently appointed cabinet ministers to run government departments. Already more than 90 percent of towns and cities have functioning local governments, which are restoring basic services. We're helping to train civil defense forces to keep order, and an Iraqi police service to enforce the law, a facilities protection service, Iraqi border guards to help secure the borders, and a new Iraqi army. In all these roles, there are now some 60,000 Iraqi citizens under arms, defending the security of their own country, and we are accelerating the training of more.

Iraq is ready to take the next steps toward self-government. The Security Council resolution we introduce will encourage Iraq's Governing Council to submit a plan and a timetable for the drafting of a constitution and for free elections. From the outset, I have expressed confidence in the ability of the Iraqi people to govern themselves. Now they must rise to the responsibilities of a free people and secure the blessings of their own liberty.

Our strategy in Iraq will require new resources. We have conducted a thorough assessment of our military and reconstruction needs in Iraq, and also in Afghanistan. I will soon submit to Congress a request for $87 billion. The request will cover ongoing military and intelligence operations in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere, which we expect will cost $66 billion over the next year. This budget request will also support our commitment to helping the Iraqi and Afghan people rebuild their own nations, after decades of oppression and mismanagement. We will provide funds to help them improve security. And we will help them to restore basic services, such as electricity and water, and to build new schools, roads, and medical clinics. This effort is essential to the stability of those nations, and therefore, to our own security. Now and in the future, we will support our troops and we will keep our word to the more than 50 million people of Afghanistan and Iraq.

Later this month, Secretary Powell will meet with representatives of many nations to discuss their financial contributions to the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Next month, he will hold a similar funding conference for the reconstruction of Iraq. Europe, Japan and states in the Middle East all will benefit from the success of freedom in these two countries, and they should contribute to that success.

The people of Iraq are emerging from a long trial. For them, there will be no going back to the days of the dictator, to the miseries and humiliation he inflicted on that good country. For the Middle East and the world, there will be no going back to the days of fear, when a brutal and aggressive tyrant possessed terrible weapons. And for America, there will be no going back to the era before September the 11th, 2001 -- to false comfort in a dangerous world. We have learned that terrorist attacks are not caused by the use of strength; they are invited by the perception of weakness. And the surest way to avoid attacks on our own people is to engage the enemy where he lives and plans. We are fighting that enemy in Iraq and Afghanistan today so that we do not meet him again on our own streets, in our own cities.

The heaviest burdens in our war on terror fall, as always, on the men and women of our Armed Forces and our intelligence services. They have removed gathering threats to America and our friends, and this nation takes great pride in their incredible achievements. We are grateful for their skill and courage, and for their acts of decency, which have shown America's character to the world. We honor the sacrifice of their families. And we mourn every American who has died so bravely, so far from home.

The Americans who assume great risk overseas understand the great cause they are in. Not long ago I received a letter from a captain in the 3rd Infantry Division in Baghdad. He wrote about his pride in serving a just cause, and about the deep desire of Iraqis for liberty. "I see it," he said, "in the eyes of a hungry people every day here. They are starved for freedom and opportunity." And he concluded, "I just thought you'd like a note from the 'front lines of freedom.'" That Army captain, and all of our men and women serving in the war on terror, are on the front lines of freedom. And I want each of them to know, your country thanks you, and your country supports you.

Fellow citizens: We've been tested these past 24 months, and the dangers have not passed. Yet Americans are responding with courage and confidence. We accept the duties of our generation. We are active and resolute in our own defense. We are serving in freedom's cause -- and that is the cause of all mankind.

Thank you, and may God continue to bless America.

总统：

晚上好。我希望用这段时间向你们介绍美国在反恐怖战争中采取的行动。

近两年以前，在我们国家遭到致命袭击之后，我们就发起了有计划打击恐怖主义的行动。在过去的这些岁月里，我们肩负新的责任，积极做出奉献，展现了全国上下的坚定意志并取得重大进展。

美国及广泛的联盟首先在阿富汗采取了行动，摧毁了恐怖训练营地，推翻了庇护"基地" 组织的政权。通过在世界各地开展一系列突袭和各种行动，将近三分之二已知的"基地" 组织头目不是已经落网就是被击毙，我们目前仍在继续对"基地"组织穷追猛打。我们揭露了恐怖主义前沿组织，查封了恐怖主义帐户，采取新的措施保卫国土，挖出了潜伏在美国的恐怖主义基层组织。我们在伊拉克采取了行动。伊拉克的前政权支持恐怖，拥有并使用大规模毁灭性武器，并在长达12年的时间内，对抗联合国安理会的要求。我们的联盟采取了军事行动，强制执行了国际社会的这些要求。这些军事行动异常迅猛并富有人道精神，堪称有史以来的一个典范。

在2001年9月11日之前整整一代人的时间里，恐怖主义分子及与其结盟的激进分子在中东和其他地区到处袭击无辜，没有遇到持续、认真的反击。于是，恐怖主义分子以为自由国家已经颓败衰落、不堪一击。他们愈益胆大妄为，自以为历史时机对他们有利。美国在扑灭了9·11的大火，悼念了死者之后走上了战场。自那时以来，历史发生了转折。我们向敌人主动出击。我们正在击退恐怖主义对文明的威胁，不是仅触及其皮毛，而是击中其要害。

这项工作仍在继续进行。在伊拉克，我们正在帮助长期饱受苦难的伊拉克人民在中东腹地建立一个公正的民主社会。我们正共同努力，在原来布满行刑室和集体坟场的土地上建立一个法治和自由的国家。这项任务十分艰巨，且代价高昂，但值得我国为之努力，对我国的安全也具有极为重大的意义。

中东不发展成一个进步、和平的地区，就会成为一个暴力和恐怖的输出地，将夺走美国和其他自由国家更多的生命。民主和宽容在伊拉克，在阿富汗，在其他地方获得胜利，就会使国际恐怖主义遭受严重挫败。恐怖主义分子的滋生蔓延需要暴君的支持并以被压迫人民产生的仇怨为土壤。在暴君垮台，愤懑被希望取代之时，各种文化背景的男女老幼就都会唾弃恐怖主义，转而奋力追求和平。自由在哪里扎根，哪里就没有恐怖的立足之地。

我们的敌人明白这一点。他们知道一个自由的伊拉克将不容他们立足 ── 暗杀狂、行刑队和秘密警察都将无以生存。他们知道随着民主在伊拉克兴起，他们所有充满仇恨的企图都将像前独裁者的塑像一样归于毁灭。这就是为什么在我们解放伊拉克五个月后，形形色色的杀人凶手穷凶极恶地妄图破坏伊拉克的进步，妄图让这个国家陷入混乱。

发动攻击的人有些是前萨达姆政权的成员，他们在战场上侥幸逃生，现在却在暗处发动攻击。另一些人则是外来的恐怖主义分子，他们到伊拉克继续对美国和其他自由国家发动战争。我们无法确定这些组织相互勾结的程度。但我们知道他们有一个共同的企图 ── 重新把伊拉克置于暴政之下。

这些杀人凶手的大多数，并非全部，在这个国家的同一个地区活动。你们在最近几周听到和看到的有关攻击事件的消息，绝大多数来自伊拉克中部地区，位于巴格达和萨达姆·侯赛因的老巢提克里特(Tikrit)之间。伊拉克北部地区基本稳定，其重建和自治工作正在取得进展。南部地区尽管最近遭受了恐怖主义组织的攻击，但也出现同样的趋势。

恐怖主义分子和萨达姆的死党所发动的攻击尽管是地区性的，但造成了极大的破坏。他们伏击了捍卫自由和秩序的美国和英国军人。他们杀害了体现全世界关怀和慷慨之情的联合国文职救援人员。他们炸毁了一个和平的阿拉伯国家的象征 ── 约旦大使馆。上星期，他们炸毁了一个宗教圣地和伊斯兰教和平教义的标志，杀害了一位德高望重的宗教领袖和100多名参加礼拜的穆斯林。

这种暴力行径不仅指向我们的联盟，而且指向在伊拉克捍卫尊严、自由和进步的每一个人。

这些攻击行径超出了盲目发泄仇恨的范围。这些恐怖主义分子处心积虑，野心勃勃。他们企图让我们半途而废，离开伊拉克。他们妄图动摇文明世界的意志。恐怖主义分子曾以贝鲁特和索马里为例，声称只要让美国人蒙受伤亡，我们就会退缩不前。但他们的算盘打错了。

两年前，我就对国会和全国人民说过，反恐怖战争将是一场长期的战争，是一场不同类型的战争。这场战争将在很多地方打响，在多条战线上进行。目前，伊拉克便是主战场。与自由为敌的人正在那里垂死挣扎，他们必须被就地歼灭。这需要花费时间，需要为之做出牺牲。然而，为了取得反恐怖战争的这一极其重要的胜利，为了促进自由，为了加强我国的安全，我们将采取一切必要的行动，我们将付出一切必要的代价。

美国过去曾这样做过。第二次世界大战结束以后，我们振兴了战败国日本和德国，并在这两个国家建立有代表性政府的过程中同它们站在一起。我们花费了多年的时间和资源致力于这一事业。这一努力得到了数倍的回报，赢得了三代人的友谊与和平。美国今天以同样的精神承担帮助伊拉克人民的重任，为了他们，也为了我们自己。

我们在伊拉克有三大战略目标：消灭恐怖主义分子；争取其他国家对自由伊拉克的支持；并帮助伊拉克人民为他们自己的安全和他们自己的未来承担责任。

首先，我们正在伊拉克战场上采取直接行动打击恐怖主义分子。这是防止联盟军队和伊拉克人民今后再次遭到袭击的最可靠的途径。我们正在采取攻势，越来越多地根据伊拉克人民向我们提供的情报，对敌方目标展开一系列的精确打击。自主要战斗行动结束以来，我们发动突袭行动，发现了敌人很多隐秘的武器库，缴获了大量军火，我们还捕获或击毙了数百名萨达姆死党分子和恐怖主义分子。迄今为止，在被通缉的55名伊拉克前政权头目中，已有42人或被击毙或已在押。我们发出了明确的警告：如果有人企图伤害我们的士兵，我们的士兵绝不会放过他们。

其次，如同我们在阿富汗所做的，我们决心为伊拉克重建和安全扩大国际合作。我们在伊拉克的军事指挥员告诉我，目前美军人数为将近13万人，可适应完成其使命的要求。另外还有来自29个国家的2万多人的军队同他们共同执行任务。分别由英国人和波兰人率领的两个多国部队师也与我们协同作战。为了在更广泛的范围内分担责任，我们的指挥员要求第三个多国部队师进驻伊拉克。

有些国家要求获得联合国安理会的明确授权才能向伊拉克派出军队。我已指示国务卿科林·鲍威尔提出一项新的安理会决议案，要求授权在伊拉克组建一支由美国领导的多国部队。

我承认，在我们的友邦中间，并非个个都同意我们坚持执行安理会各项决议和把萨达姆·侯赛因赶下台的决定。但是，我们不能让过去的分歧影响我们目前的职责。在伊拉克的恐怖主义分子已经向文明世界的代表发动了攻击，因此奋起抗击这些恐怖主义分子必须成为文明世界的使命。现在联合国各会员国得到了这样的机会，肩负着这样的责任，为保证伊拉克成为一个自由和民主的国家发挥更广泛的作用。

第三，我们积极支持有步骤地向伊拉克人民移交主权和权力。我们的联盟作为解放者来到伊拉克，我们也将作为解放者离开那里。当前，伊拉克有自己的管理委员会，由代表伊拉克各族人民的25名领导人组成。管理委员会最近任命了管理政府各部的内阁部长。90%以上的城镇已建立运转有效的地方政府，正努力恢复基本服务。我们正在进行的培训工作有助于民防力量维持秩序，支持伊拉克警察进行执法，帮助建立保护有关设施的机构，加强伊拉克边防力量以保障边境安全，并为一支新组建的伊拉克军队进行训练。现在有大约6万名伊拉克公民已被编入以上所有这些武装力量，保卫他们自己国家的安全。此外，我们还在加紧培训更多的人员。

伊拉克正准备采取下一个步骤向自治政府过渡。我们提出的安理会决议将促使伊拉克管理委员会就起草宪法和进行自由选举提出计划和时间安排。我从一开始就表示相信伊拉克人民有自治的能力。现在，他们必须承担起自由人民的责任，掌握他们自身的解放所带来的有利条件。

我们在伊拉克采取战略行动需要新的资源。我们对我们在伊拉克和阿富汗的军事和重建工作进行了全面的需求评估。我很快将向国会提出870亿美元的拨款要求。这笔拨款将用于正在伊拉克、阿富汗和其他地区展开的军事和情报工作，我们估计今后一年需要660亿美元。这项预算要求将有助于我们致力于帮助伊拉克和阿富汗人民在遭受压迫和虐待几十年后重建他们各自的国家。我们将提供资金帮助他们加强安全。我们将帮助他们恢复基础服务，如水电供应，以及新建学校、道路和诊所。这方面的工作对这些国家的稳定至关重要，因而也对我们本国的安全至关重要。不论现在还是将来，我们都将支持我们的军队，并信守我们对阿富汗和伊拉克5,000多万人民的承诺。

这个月晚些时候，鲍威尔国务卿将同许多国家的代表会晤，商讨他们为阿富汗重建提供财政捐助的问题。下个月，他还将主持一个类似的会议，为伊拉克重建筹集资金。这两个国家成功地实现自由，欧洲、日本和中东各国都将从中受益，他们都应为这一成功提供捐助。

伊拉克人民正从漫长的苦难中崛起。对于他们，受独裁者统治的日子不会再现，这个美好的国家饱受独裁者蹂躏和欺凌的悲剧不会重演。对于中东和全世界，由这个残暴和侵略成性的暴君掌握恐怖武器进行恫吓的时代已一去不复返。美国也不会重蹈复辙，回到2001年9月11日之前的时代，不会在一个充满危险的世界上自以为安然无恙。我们已经知道，恐怖主义制造攻击事件，并非因为看到人们展示了力量，而是认为有了可乘之机。为了保护我们自己的人民免遭袭击，最可靠的途径就是在敌人生存和策划之地给他们以迎头痛击。今天我们在伊拉克和阿富汗打击敌人，就可以使我们避免在我们自己的城市、我们自己的街头遇到同样的敌人。

在我们进行反恐怖主义战争的过程中，我国武装部队的男女军人和我们的情报部门一如既往承担着最艰巨的任务。他们为美国和我们的友邦排除了正在积聚的危险，美国为他们做出的卓越贡献感到无尚光荣。我们钦佩他们的才干和勇气，赞美他们的正义行为。他们的所作所为向全世界昭示了美国的高尚品德。我们向他们家人做出的奉献表示敬意。我们缅怀每一位远离故土英勇献身的美国人。

在海外把个人安危置之度外的美国人知道他们承担着一项伟大的事业。不久前，我收到驻巴格达第三步兵师一名上尉的来信。信中写道，他为参与这项正义事业感到自豪，他还谈到伊拉克人希望得到自由的强烈愿望。他说："每天在这里，从人们饥饿的眼神中，我看到了这一切。他们渴望自由和机会。" 他在信的结尾写道："我想你希望收到来自'自由最前沿'的信函。" 这位陆军上尉，以及我们所有为反恐怖战争尽职的男女军人，都站在自由的最前沿。我在此希望他们每一位知道：祖国感谢你，祖国支持你。

同胞们：我们经受了过去24个月的考验，但危险尚未消除。美国人正以大无畏的气概和坚定的意志奋勇反击。我们承担我们这代人的职责。我们积极果断地进行自卫。我们正为自由的事业恪尽职守。自由的事业是全人类的事业。

谢谢诸位。愿上帝继续保佑美国。